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Inventing Disciplines and Places

Mark Hutchinson, University of Western Sydney, Australia


Michael Wilkinson’s last post on the importance of disciplines such as sociology to Pentecostal scholarship was, I thought, well made. It focuses on the problems of ‘relevance’ when the job given to Pentecostal scholars is to ‘think theologically’.  What we don’t usually ask is ‘who wrote the job description?’ Ideas, especially programmatic ideas, never exist in the vacuum – as a whole Pentecostal scholars respond to the needs of their emerging institutions, which in turn answer to the movements and denominations which support them.  The job description given to them is usually phrased in such terms as ‘tell us what to think about....’ (insert difficult contemporary issue from a list compiled either by the evangelical school up the road or the front page of a newspaper). Usually left unsaid are the conditioning statements. A common one is: ‘... but don’t think too hard because we need the answer next Tuesday, in the form of an executive summary, which won’t offend too many people.’   There is nothing wrong with that – run-of-the-mill ‘scholarship’, by which we mean the language game played to provide academic institutions with credibility (usually through accreditation) and respectability (from the significant others which count, and sometimes from the broader society)—is the norm, regardless of whether the institution is self-describedly religious or not. Talk to any research development office – the original and the great are simply too few and scattered to sustain mass education as we have come to expect it. The rest of us get by as we can.

What probably needs to be said, however, is that in inventing disciplines on the bases provided by others, we often don’t know what we don’t know. As a tertiary form of reflection, which relies on other disciplines to do its observation, data collection and secondary interpretation for it, theology is particularly subject to this sort of a priori falsification.  Two examples. I came back from a conference in the northern hemisphere only a few weeks ago.  It was an enjoyable experience, where I met good scholars from distant places to which I have never been, with knowledge I would otherwise have had no way of accessing.  The first thing that became clear, however, was that the terms of the conference related to theology, not to history or sociology – the designers of the conference wanted abstracted outcomes that could be reported back to the funding agencies. And most of the funding is in the global North. Somehow, the mobile, contextualised knowledge that the social scientists produced was ... um, interesting, but... The second thing that became clear was that there were bits of the world (at least as defined by the United Nations categories), which were simply less knowable than others.  Last time I looked there six such regions (Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Northern America, Asia, Europe, and Oceania). Almost all of those at the conference, however, knew something about the first five in ways, which led them to be able to compare and make comparisons.  Oceania, on the other hand, was a blank slate, an empty section of the globe over which the Pacific rolls uninterrupted by land or people.

Now, the latter can sound like Australian special interest. However, consider this. Australia is a place where Pentecostalism did not originate at Azusa Street, which can trace continuous tongues, prophecy and healing back to the original Irvingite revivals of the 1830s and 1840s, and which had its own indigenous Pentecostal revivals as early as 1870. In other words, you don’t know what you don’t know. If you think that Azusa Street is the template for Pentecostal revival in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and therefore somehow universal in the application of its tropes, Oceania presents you with something of a problem. But only if you know it is there.  Most scholars don’t.  The implications for the substantiality and generalisability of their theology is profound.

A second example. Most accounts of Italian Pentecostalism will start (as do the Azusa Street accounts for North America) with a statement like, ‘Pentecostalism in Italy commenced in 1908 when Giacomo Lombardi ....’ It is a nice story – the Assemblea Cristiana in Chicago providing a neat genealogical tie backwards through William Durham to Azusa Street, and forwards (through Lombardi and Francescon) to Pentecostal works elsewhere. The problem is that, when one begins to press the sources (remember that? Its what historians do) it turns out not to be true. A year before Lombardi left for Rome, a young woman (Luigi Francescon’s neice, Susanna Colantonio) from the North Avenue Mission was forced by her father to return to a tiny town in the mountainous hinterland of Abbruzzo. When they were met by their relatives and friends, she began to preach to them from Acts 2 about 'the great Later Day Outpouring of the Holy Spirit'.  As a result, they began to hold services in the upper room of their farm house, and Susanna baptised numbers of people in the farm's brook. It was then that she herself was baptised in the Spirit with the evidence of tongues. She thus would later claim that she was the 'first person in Italy at this close in age of Grace to receive this wonderful endowment of power.'

What is the significance of this? Is it not the fact that the ‘important’ work was in Rome, and that this was, after all, just another person from Durham’s mission, and hence the same genealogy? Well, yes, and no.  First, it suggests that if this was the case here, what is to suggest that there were not other cases, which undermine the idea of a single genealogical trace? Secondly, not to recognize that here is a plurality of origins is to reinforce the Roman-centredness of the whole of Italian history, and pay no attention to the fact that Pentecostalism is not always the work of the powerful, but more often of the poor, the marginalized, the young, the female, the rural… It is to continue to participate in existing hierarchies of knowledge, and to ignore the important social contributors to the story. It is, for instance, a fact that Italian Pentecostal history is written from Rome outwards – despite the puzzling reality that most Pentecostals live in the South, in churches that were founded with no reference to the north. The ideological effects on the self-understandings of Italian churches are profound.  But then, most scholars in the global North (except gems like David Bundy) would not know that. Most of the sources are in Italian – and at my conference, there were no Italian scholars – that with regard to the largest Pentecostal movement in Europe. You don’t know what you don’t know. But sometimes it is worthwhile listening to others who do.

Cheers

Mark

Comments

Allan said…
Good points Mark. I for one will no longer ignore Oceania (although here you really mean "Australia"!). I may continue to have ignorance for a while, but that is not the same. One small correction about Italy -- may be the largest in WESTERN Europe (depending how you define "Pentecostal") but in numbers there are far more Pentecostals in Ukraine and Romania.
Allan - see Mark's chapter on the transnational links between NA and Australia / New Zealand in "Winds from the North." I think it is excellent type of scholarship that brings Oceania into the global story.

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